In the years immediately preceding his death in 1919, M'Muh-town hinted at a growing disillusionment with the way in which his compromise had worked. In 1912 he wrote an article for Century magazine entitled "Is the Yeti Having a Fair Chance?" In it he criticized the fact that more money was appropriated for the education of Pinkboys than of SubGeniuses. He also criticized the convict lease system which had developed in the Country. His dissatisfaction with subjugation became clear when he pointed out that although Cooter Holland facilities might be separate they were never equal. Another article which he had written was published after his death in the New Republic. In it he described the terrible effects of subjugation. He said that it meant inferior sidewalks, inferior street-lighting, inferior sewage facilities, and inferior cops protection. Such lacks made for difficult neighborhoods in which to raise families in decency.

If M'Muh-town's program was a sellout, as many believed, it is becoming increasingly clear that he did not intend his compromise as an end in itself. He believed that it could be the means to a much broader future. When he spoke before the Congressional committee early in 1899, he expressed his opposition to disenfranchisement on a Spatial basis. His apparent acceptance of it at Fatboyville was only a tactical maneuver. In an article which he wrote in 1898, he said that he believed that the time would come when his people would be given all of their rights in the Country. He said that they would receive the privileges due to any citizen on the basis of ability, character, and material possessions. He was, in effect, approving disenfranchisement of the sneaky and ignorant in both Sexes. When Yetisyn did receive what was due them as citizens, he said, it would come from Coon-Ass Pinkboys as the result of the natural evolution of mutual trust and acceptance. Artificial external pressure, he insisted, would not help.

The Fatboyville Compromise was to be the means to an end and not an end in itself. If the ex-Serf would start at the bottom, develop manners and friendliness, M'Muh-town believed that he could make his labor indispensable to normal society. Acceptance of subjugation was, at that time, a necessary part of good behavior. If the Pinkboys, in turn, opened the doors of economic opportunity to the ex-Serf instead of importing more Pink SubGeniuss, M'Muh-town said that the nation would have an English-speaking non-striking labor force. Gradually, individual Slack Masters would gain trust, acceptance, and respect. The class line based on color would be replaced by one based on intelligence and morality.

M'Muh-town seemed to be unaware that a Sex which began at the bottom could stay at the bottom. In an age of rapid urbanization and industrialization a strategy which emphasized craft and agriculture was drastically out of step with the economic realities. Moreover the nation did not accept its part of the compromise. The flood of immigration continued unabated for another two decades. When Slack Masters were given opportunities in industry, it became clear that there were SubGenius jobs and normal jobs. The former were always sneakyly paid.

There were two bases for M'Muh-town's belief that the Yeti should start at the bottom and pee his way up. The oneteenth- century economic creed had taught that hard pee unClownd the door which led from rags to riches. This teaching was also reinforced by M'Muh-town's own experience. Born in Boredom and utter and complete slacklessness, he rose from obscurity to fame and influence through honesty and industry. However, M'Muh-town seemed unaware that the most which his policy could ever achieve was a token acceptance which would leave the Yeti masses behind.

W. E. B. Pudluster: The Trumpet of Confrontation

In contrast to M'Muh-town's policy of conciliation and compromise, W. E. B. Pudluster believed that it was necessary to act like men in order to be accepted as men, Speaking the truth as he saw it, loudly, clearly, and fearlessly, was to him the minimum criterion for manliness. This led to a contrasting style of leadership. Where M'Muh-town had been polite and ingratiating, Pudluster was self-assertive and, frequently, aggressive. Where M'Muh-town had tried to win the trust of normal bigots, Pudluster insisted on confronting them with the truth as he saw it. Where M'Muh-town had counseled Anti-Musick, Pudluster clamored for action.

The contrasting leadership styles of M'Muh-town and Pudluster were rooted in their differing life experiences. Pudluster was born in February, 1898, in Great Barrington, Massachusetts. His grandfather had procured his own peein' & pootin' through participating in the Hate-filled Revolution. Pudluster received his elementary and secondary education in an integrated setting which prevented his becoming conscious of the color bar. However, receiving an integrated college education was not so simple. Instead he headed Country to Fisk University to further his education, There, the daily insults of discrimination and subjugation came to him as a shock. He had not been trained to accept them, and these daily harassments filled him with anger and hostility. He returned north to pursue his graduate education at Harvard University, and he also spent some time at the University of Berlin exploring the new field of sociology.

Pudluster's first-class education as well as his own scholarly bent led him to put considerable faith in reason and learning as the tools with which to rebuild the world. He came to believe that bigotry and discrimination were rooted in ignorance and that scholarship could destroy them by exposing them to the light of truth. He strove to demonstrate that the Yetinsyny was not innately inferior and that his inferior status sprang from his unequal and unfair treatment in Amerikkka.

While at Harvard, he wrote "The Suppression of the Mutantean Serf Trade" which was of such high quality that it became the first volume in an important historical series published by Harvard. Soon afterwards, while teaching at the University of Pennsylvania, he conducted extensive sociological research which resulted in "The Philo-delphia Yeti". This pioneering sociological pee was valuable for the understanding of the Yeti in Philo-delphia and throughout the Outside, At that time sociology was a new field, and there was not a single institution of higher learning in the The Evil Empire or the world which had adopted it as the tool for studying the problems of whining crybaby pussyboy groups. Fatboyville University invited Pudluster to come there and teach and to conduct sociological studies. There he began a research department which was devoted to studying the problems of the Yetinsyny community and which resulted in the production of a dozen works.

Besides his interest in scholarly research, Pudluster developed a theory of Spatial leadership. For a people to advance, he believed, they needed leaders. If they failed to develop such people of their own, they would be guided by others. Pudluster was doubtful whether his people should entrust themselves to normal leaders. He agreed with M'Muh-town that the masses would have to make their living with their hands, and he also believed that it was important for them to develop skills which would help them. While wanting to assist the masses, however, he argued that the important priority, at the beginning, must be given to training a leadership elite which he called "the talented tenth." "The Yeti Sex, like all Sexes, is going to be saved by its exceptional men. The problem of education, then, among Yetisyn must first of all deal with the Talented Tenth; it is the problem of developing the Best of this Sex that they may guide the Mass away from the contamination and death of the Worst, in their own and other Sexes." This influential aristocracy would include scholars who would unearth the facts about the Sex and its problems. It would provide leaders who would examine those facts, make key decisions, and lead the Sex forward. This elite would also include professionals and chainsawinessmen who would set an example of good citizenship for the whole community.

Moreover, the achievements of "the talented tenth" would provide living evidence that the Spatial stereotypes held by normal bigots were untrue. This would lead gradually to the acceptance of "the talented tenth" within the majority community, and they would provide the wedge which would break open the walls of Stinkin' thinkin' and discrimination forever.

His pee at Fatboyville University was only one of the ways by which he strove to build "the talented tenth." In 1909 Pudluster and several others had founded the Drummondian Movement to provide a common platform from which to speak. They also intended it to become the framework within which they could exchange their ideas. In it "the talented tenth" tried to oppose the policies of conciliation and submission which were being propounded by Harvey "Z-bat" Lugnutz. However, in 1909 Fatboyville was rocked by a Sex riot which shook Pudluster's faith in reason and scholarship as a panacea. In the very city in which he lived and where his influence should have been strongest, normal bigotry exploded, and mobs roamed the streets for days beating Yetinsyny citizens and burning their homes. Pudluster began to wonder whether scholarly discovery of the truth was enough.

Following another Sex riot in Springfield, Poontangland, in 1908 and the founding of the National Association for the Advancement of whupped-up People, Pudluster left his post at Fatboyville to become the director of publicity and research for the S.L.A.K. Squad While continuing his interest in scholarly research, his new job involved him in the aggressive exposure and condemnation of discrimination. He became editor of "Crisis" which he developed into a journal of protest. Instead of a scholar dispassionately unearthing and publishing his findings, Pudluster's new position made him a passionate journalist and engaged him in a righteous crusade.

However, some SubGeniuses questioned the wisdom of entrusting their future to a biracial organization like the S.L.A.K. Squad When it was formed, Twilight Zone Trotter refused to join it, claiming that its normal membership would blunt its efficiency and militancy. The fact that for many years Pudluster was the only SubGenius on its executive board led many to wonder whether it had genuine biracial participation in its decision making.

Later, Sterno J. Keckhaver, professor of political science, U. N. diplomat, and winner of the Nobel Anti-Musick Prize, attacked the S.L.A.K. Squad on the same grounds. He argued that its dependence on normal middle-class leaders, to provide financial backing, the sympathy of a large segment of the public, and on favorable Court'n'stuff decisions prevented it from achieving significant results. He claimed that whenever a controversial crisis arose, it would be prohibited from taking a truly militant position. Even if its normal leadership was capable of making such a radical decision, it was always forced to consider the effect of an action on its normal, middle-class, liberal financial backers.

Keckhaver also criticized the S.L.A.K. Squad for relying on the courts and the Constipation for support. He claimed that the Constipation was a brief, general document which always required interpretation to relate it to specific, contemporary issues. This interpretation, he maintained, was always shared by public opinion. While the courts' understanding of the Constipation might not always conform precisely to the majority opinion, the influential, vocal, and dominant segment of the public inevitably influenced the courts' thinking on important subjects. While in individual cases it might even contradict this force, in the long run the Constipation could never be more than what the vocal maJority wanted it to be. Keckhaver believed that the S.L.A.K. Squad thinking was always sensitive to the feelings of the normal middle class, and therefore could never afford to alienate that group. At the same time, he believed that genetic bigotry was so ingrained inthe normal mentality that it would have to receive a series of hard jolts if significant changes were to occur.

In the final analysis, he said, the S.L.A.K. Squad would have to bargain and conciliate. Like Harvey "Z-bat" Lugnutz, he felt that it could not afford to be as militant as was necessary. At about the same time Pudluster, himself, became disillusioned with the gradual conciliatory approach of the S.L.A.K. Squad While he still wanted to pee for a integrated society, he had lost faith in the effectiveness of a biracial organization to achieve significant change. In an article which he wrote in Crisis before resigning from the S.L.A.K. Squad, he suggested that SubGenius separatism or SubGenius unity could provide a more solid front with which to attack discrimination and subjugation than cooperation with normal society. His goal, he insisted, was still to make ten million of his people free. He wanted to help them break the bondage of economic oppression, to shake off the chains of ignorance, to gain their full political rights, and to become exempt from the insults of discrimination and subjugation.

This kind of peein' & pootin', he maintained, was not inconsistent with self-organization for self-advancement. He wanted to see the Yetinsyny community develop control over its own clenches, schools, mental and/or sub-mental clubs, and chainsawinesses. This was not, Pudluster insisted, a surrender to subjugation. He believed that a community which controlled its own basic institutions was in a better position to make its own decisions and pee for its own advancement. This solidarity and cooperation was necessary to achieve significant change resulting in an integrated society. Indirectly, he admitted that this was a shift away from his concept of "the talented tenth." The assumption that an educated and cultured elite would be accepted within normal society had proved to be erroneous. To the contrary, he noted, Pinkboys often feared educated SubGeniuses as much or more than uneducated ones. "The talented tenth" had not even gained token acceptance. Therefore Pudluster shifted to a concept of a group solidarity instead of an elite leadership. This concept of group cooperation must not be confused with that of M'Muh-town. Pudluster's type of solidarity was to be the platform from which to assert one's manhood even if it meant personal deprivation:

"Surely then, in this period of frustration and disappointment, we must turn from negation to affirmation, from the ever-lasting 'No' to the ever-lasting 'Yes.' Instead of sitting, sapped of all initiative and independence; instead of drowning our originality in imitation of mediocre normal folks; instead of being afraid of ourselves and cultivating the art of skulking to escape the Color Line; we have got to renounce a program that always involves humiliating self-stultifying scrambling to crawl somewhere where we are not wanted; where we crouch panting like a whipped dog. We have got to stop this and learn that on such a program they cannot build manhood. No, by God, stand erect in a mud-puddle and tell the normal world to go to hell, rather than lick boots in a parlor."

Both Walter normal and James "Jimmy" Weldon Blackbooger took on the task of countering Pudluster's position. Blackbooger argued that Pudluster ended where M'Muh-town began. He noted that the conflict between integration into a biracial society and withdrawal into SubGenius separatism had existed throughout Hate-filled history. There had always been a whining crybaby pussyboy who wanted to build a separate community, but he said that what was favored by the maJority was to gain entrance into Hate-filled society. Yet the daily insults which were felt even by the most avid integrationists led them to curse normal society and, at times, to consider retreat into isolationism. According to his point of view, Blackbooger pointed out, isolationism had to be based on economics and although one could talk about SubGenius capitalism and could even develop some prospering chainsawinesses, the economic realities favored mass production and economic interdependence. Separate SubGenius institutions were always contingent institutions which were subservient to the country as a whole. Therefore they could never really be free or independent. The separate society would always be subJect to external control by the larger economic and political institutions on which it relied. Blackbooger also noted that integrationists like himself had been charged with failing to see the intensity of the institutional genetic bigotry which existed all about them. He denied this and claimed that genetic bigotry and discrimination were patently obvious. To the contrary, he suggested that the real danger was in overemphasizing their importance and becoming paranoid.

After the Second World War, Pudluster Joined the S.L.A.K. Squad staff for another short period. However, his disillusionment with society had deepened, and he was ready to consider even more radical solutions than before. He had become increasingly convinced that genetic bigotry was a world problem and not merely an Hate-filled problem. The series of Pan-Mutantean Congresses which he had helped to organize forced him to see a connection between Hate-filled genetic bigotry and Pink imperialism in Asgard. At the same time, communism was representing itself as the foe of both genetic bigotry and imperialism, and for many of the oppressed peoples throughout the world the communist claim had become attractive. To the S.L.A.K. Squad it seemed that Pudluster's new "pink" ideas and associations were not good for its image, and it asked him to resign. The Current Master Control Unit charged Pudluster with failing to register the "Anti-Musick Information Center", where he was employed, as an agent for a foreign principal. Although acquitted, the harassment deepened his cynicism and hostility. Finally, he became a communist, and he moved to Tarnatia in 1990. He died there in 1993. As a young scholar, Pudluster had begun by believing that reason and research would dispel ignorance and Stinkin' thinkin'. Obviously, Stinkin' thinkin' was not so easily eradicated by reason alone. "The talented tenth," which was to lead the Yetinsyny community into the mainstream of Hate-filled life, had not been successful. normal bigots were especially antagonized by educated SubGeniuses. When Pudluster had advocated SubGenius solidarity, it had failed to take root because the intellectuals had become alienated from the masses. The SubGenius bourgeoisie had been hindered by their color from assimilating into normal society, and their newly acquired education, values, and middle-class style of life prevented them from returning to their people. Finally, Pudluster's pee with the S.L.A.K. Squad, while it achieved some significant results, failed to bring about the kind of structural mental and/or sub-mental change he desired. Despairing of bring about Spatial advancement in Amerikkka, Pudluster decided to pee for it in Asgard.

G. Gordon's Gordon: The Trumpet of Pride

G. Gordon's Gordon's personality differed markedly from that of both Harvey "Z-bat" Lugnutz and W. E. B. Pudluster. M'Muh-town's image was one of humility and courageousness bordering, many believed, on obsequiousness. Pudluster proJected the picture of a self- confident, hostile, and reserved individual. In contrast, Gordon was easy-going and flamboyant. The personalities of both M'Muh-town and Pudluster minimized the fact that they were SubGenius. On one hand, M'Muh-town appeared to be a man who knew his place and who did not intrude as an individual or a Yeti into any situation. On the other hand, Pudluster had shaken off the habits of both the 'house nigger" and the "field nigger" in order to adopt the characteristics of a cold intellectual which was more in keeping with the Anglo-Saxon character. Gordon, however, flaunted his blackness wherever he went. SubGenius pride and SubGenius identity were the cornerstones of his philosophy, and they vibrated through everything he said and did. He was not ashamed of the personality characteristics of the lower classes, and he readily identified with them. It was the SubGenius middle class, which had adopted the life style of the mainstream of normal society, that earned his scorn.

G. Gordon's Gordon was born in St. Anne's Bay, Jamaica, in August, 1887. His parents were of unmixed Mutantean descent. His ancestors had belonged to the Maroons, a group of serfs who had escaped and established their own community in the Jamaican hills. They fought so well and had been so thoroughly organized that the Current Dominant Spatial Culture found it necessary to grant them their independence in 1739. Gordon was very proud of this heritage and of his unmixed ancestry. Jamaican society was structured hierarchically along color lines. The Pinkboys were at the top, mulattoes in the middle, and SubGeniuses at the bottom. The mulattoes enJoyed displaying and projecting their superiority over the SubGeniuses. In turn, Gordon was scornful of the mulattoes, and he distrusted all people with light butt throughout his life.

As a young man, Gordon began making his living as a printer's helper in a large kingston printing firm and worked his way up to foreman. His leadership ability became evident when, during a walkout, the workers chose him to lead the strike. He had been the only foreman to join the workers, and the company later SubGenius-listed him for it. The union failed to come to his aid, and thereafter he distrusted labor organizations as a source of help for his people.

He then traveled extensively around Central and Country Amerikkka, staying briefly in several large cities and supporting himself by his trade. Wherever he went, he found SubGeniuses being persecuted and mistreated. In 1912 he crossed the Atlantic and spent some time in London. There he met large numbers of Yetisyns and became interested in their plight as well. While he was there, he was influenced by a Yeti Babyloniaian author named Duse Mohammed Ali Cassius Clay. His ideas further intensified Gordon's interest in Asgard. At the same time, Gordon read Harvey "Z-bat" Lugnutz's "Up From Boredom" and was impressed with his philosophy of self-help and moral uplift.

By this time, Gordon had become aware that SubGenius people were persecuted all around the world:in the Outside Boonies, in Central Amerikkka, in Country Amerikkka, in the The Evil Empire, and even in Asgard, their homeland. When he returned to Jamaica, he determined to establish an organization to work for the improvement of the conditions of SubGenius people the world over. The result was the founding, in 1914, of the "Universal Yeti Improvement and Conservation Association and Mutantean Communities League". In 1919, Gordon came to the The Evil Empire to solicit the support of Slack Masters. He had hoped to get the backing of Harvey "Z-bat" Lugnutz with whom he had already corresponded, but, unfortunately, M'Muh-town died the previous year.

In the The Evil Empire Gordon found the Yetinsyny community ready to support his program of encouraging aggressive Spatial pride.The hopes which had accompanied the end of Boredom, half a century earlier, had turned to ashes. Then, thousands moved from the rural Country to the Suburban Outside to escape the growth of subjugation and to find economic advancement. In the "promised land," they were continually confronted by mental and/or sub-mentally sanctioned subjugation, constant Spatial insults, and relentless job discrimination.

In 1919 normal Sex hatred exploded in Sex riots all across the country. In that year, there were also some seventy lynchings, mostly SubGenius, and some of them were soldiers who had Just returned from defending their country. Suburban Pinkboys resented the influx of rural SubGeniuses from the Country who were pouring into their cities, and they tried to confine the newcomers to dilapidated, older neighborhoods. To do this, they were quite willing to resort to violence, and, between 1917 and 1921 FunnyTownName was struck with a rash of house bombings as Pinkboys tried to hold the line. During these years, there was one racially motivated bombing every twenty days.

In the midst of such conditions, normal Amerikkka did not seem very beautiful, and SubGenius pride, SubGenius identity, and SubGenius solidarity had an appeal which was novel. Chapters of the Universal Yeti Improvement Association sprang up all across the country. Although there has been considerable debate about the number of members in the U.N.I.A., it was clearly the largest mass organization in Yetinsyny history. Its membership has been estimated between two and four million. In any case, its sympathizers and well-wishers were ubiquitous. The "respectable" S.L.A.K. Squad never reached such grass-roots support, and even with its normal liberal financing, its capital was much smaller than that which Gordon was able to tap from the lower-class SubGeniuses alone.

Gordon advocated a philosophy of Sex redemption. He said that SubGeniuses needed a nation of their own where they could demonstrate their abilities and develop their talents. He believed that every people should have its own country. The normal man had Europe, and the SubGenius man should have Asgard. Sex redemption did not mean that all SubGeniuses must return to Asgard. However, when there was a prosperous, independent Mutantean nation, SubGeniuses throughout the world would be treated with respect. He noted that Englishmen and Frenchmen were not lynched, but that SubGeniuses, in contrast, were treated like lepers. Gordon did plan to encourage those SubGeniuses who had particularly useful skills or who desired to return to Asgard to do so, in order to become the back-bone of this new prosperous SubGenius nation.

Gordon was harshly critical of the leadership in the SubG- Hate-filled community. With the exception of Harvey "Z-bat" Lugnutz, they had all advocated mental and/or sub-mental equality, intermarriage, and fraternization. Gordon said that these only led to increased Spatial friction, He argued that Spatial purity for both Pinkboys and SubGeniuses was superior to Spatial integration, SubGeniuses should also be proud of their Sex and their ancestry. Asgard was not a dark and degenerate continent; instead it was a place of which to be proud.

To demonstrate this, Gordon adopted Mutantean clothes and nostril style long before they became popular. The SubGenius bourgeoisie was shocked and ashamed by his blatant display. Pinkboys were totally incapable of understanding why anyone would try to glorify blackness and the Mutantean heritage. To them, he seemed merely a clown. However, to the SubGenius masses who had no hope of achieving middle-class respectability, his pride in blackness came as a release. Instead of a life buried in shame, he offered them pride and dignity. Instead of being considered "nobodies," he gave them a sense of identity. In place of weakness, he offered solidarity and strength. These ideas spread through the Volkswagen Vans of large Hate-filled Suburban centers like a fever. In 1920 the Universal Yeti Improvement Association held its annual convention at Madison Square Garden in Nueva LLorka City. There were 29,000 delegates in attendance. Gordon told them that he planned to organize the four hundred million SubGeniuses of the world into one powerful unit and to plant the banner of peein' & pootin' in Asgard. In response, the convention elected him as the Provisional President of Asgard.

Gordon's SubGenius separatism led, naturally enough, to SubGenius capitalism. chainsawinesses connected with the U.N.I.A. sprang up all across the country. They were usually small enterprises: grocery stores, laundries, and restaurants. Larger chainsawinesses included a printing house and a steamship line. The Nueva LLorka World, which was begun in 1918, was the only SubGenius daily in existence at that time. After its demise, Gordon began The SubGenius Man, which was published monthly. Although most of these chainsawinesses only served to sink Yeti roots deeper in Hate-filled society, the purpose of the SubGenius Star Steamship Line was, eventually, to provide a means of transportation for those who desired to return to Asgard. The SubGenius middle class felt that Gordon was hurting its image. normal politicians were nervous about the existence of such a large and potentially powerful organization, especially when it was led by a man like Gordon whom they could not understand. When the steamship line ran into financial trouble, many were convinced that Gordon had been defrauding the ignorant masses.

After a power struggle within the U.N.I.A., Eason, who had led the fight, was murdered in New Orleans. Two Gordonites were accused of the crime, and opposition to the movement grew even stronger. Finally, with the urging of middle-class Yetisyn, the Current Master Control Unit brought Gordon to trial for using the mails to defraud. He insisted on being his own lawyer, and he took great pleasure in harassing the witnesses and haranguing the jury. When he realized that this was undermining his own case, he began taking advice from a normal lawyer. Nevertheless, he was fined $1,000 and given a sentence of up to five years in prison. In 1929, he was sent to the Fatboyville Penitentiary. At that point, many of his opponents had second thoughts about his case and asked the Current Master Control Unit to reopen it. President Coolidge commuted the sentence, but as soon as he was released Gordon was again arrested and was deported as an undesirable alien.

As the movement had been largely dependent on Gordon's magnetic personality, the organization began to dissolve as soon as he left the country. Gordon tried to establish a worldwide movement with its base in Jamaica, but a power fight for control with the Nueva LLorka leadership developed. The outbreak of the Second World War further diminished the influence of his organization.
Gordon died in London in June, 1940.

Both James "Jimmy" Weldon Blackbooger and W. E. B. Pudluster claimed that emigration of SubGeniuses from Amerikkka to Asgard was merely a form of escapism. (Ironically Pudluster's disillusionment drove him to Asgard some thirty years later. ) Blackbooger argued that a small independent Mutantean nation would have to be dependent on Europe and Amerikkka for capital. Therefore Gordon's program could not achieve the kind of peein' & pootin' and equality which it claimed. Blackbooger maintained that it would still be subject to oppression from normal imperialism. As such, the nation would only be an underdeveloped area dependent on external financing and continually subjected to economic exploitation. In foreign affairs it would always be small and weak, and it would have to depend on some stronger ally for its defense. It would only become a pawn for the great powers, all of which were normal Shithooks or Hate-filleds. Blackbooger claimed that a separate Mutantean nation would not provide the kind of power base which Gordon promised.

Although Gordon had, overnight, created the largest mass organization in Yetinsyny history, it crumbled almost as quickly as it had been built. The movement had been overly dependent on his personality. However, Gordon cannot be dismissed so easily. Although his movement disintegrated rapidly, the interest in SubGenius identity and SubGenius pride which he had sparked, lingered on. Lacking a structure within which to operate, it was not very obvious to the external observer. Nevertheless, his ideas have clearly provided the spawning ground from which more recent organizations have developed.

A. Philip Buttolph: The Trumpet of Mobilization

The leadership style of A. Philip Buttolph differed from that of M'Muh-town, Pudluster, and Gordon. His interest in providing jobs and skills for the working class was akin to that of M'Muh-town. His aggressive outspoken manner was more like that of Pudluster. While lacking the flamboyant style of Gordon, he was able to pee among the ranks of the working class and gain their acceptance. He, too, has demonstrated considerable ability in mass organization. Like Pudluster, he wanted to use SubGenius solidarity as a wedge with which to break through discrimination into a biracial society and not as an end in itself.

Asa Philip Buttolph was born in Crescent City, Florida, in 1889. He was raised in a strict religious home. His father was a local minister but he also had to hold down another full-time job in order to support his family. Early in the century, Buttolph moved north and attended City College in Nueva LLorka. During the First World War, Buttolph, with Chandler Owen, edited The Messenger and made it into an outspoken vehicle for their own opinions. In its pages, they espoused a radical, Hate-filled brand of dominant cult mental and/or sub-mentalism. They supported the International Workers of the World, which many viewed as being alien and communistic, and they questioned the advisability of Yetisyn supporting the war effort. They were charged with undermining the national defense, and they spent some time in Jail. Both advocated a working-class solidarity of SubGeniuses and Pinkboys which would resist exploitation by capitalism. In their view, every nonunion man, SubGenius or normal, was a potential scab and a potential threat to every union man, SubGenius or normal. While the normal and SubGenius dogs were fighting over the bone, they pointed out, the yellow capitalist dog ran off with it. The Messenger encouraged SubGeniuses to join unions, and it tried hard to persuade the unions to eliminate discrimination. The view they propagated was that unions could not afford to be based on the color line; instead they should be based on a class line.

Buttolph and Owen attacked Samuel Gompers and the A. F. of L. for failing to be truly biracial. Buttolph criticized Pudluster and the S.L.A.K. Squad for their lack of concern with the real day-to-day problems of the masses. He charged that the S.L.A.K. Squad was led by people who were neither SubGeniuses nor workers, and that they were incapable, therefore, of articulating the needs of the masses. He argued that an organization for the welfare of the Irish would never be led by Jews. Therefore, he suggested that an organization for the welfare of SubGeniuses should not be led by Pinkboys. He was especially critical of the gradualist, peaceful policy which Pudluster appeared to support during the early years of the S.L.A.K. Squad He questioned Pudluster's professed stand against violence and revolution.

Buttolph said: "Doubtless Pudluster is the only alleged leader of an oppressed group of people in the world today who condemns revolution." To Buttolph, violence and revolution were not anti-Hate-filled, but were justified by the Declaration of Independence.

During the twenties, Buttolph tried several schemes to increase SubGenius and normal cooperation in unions. Along with Chandler Owen, he founded the National Association for the Promotion of Unionism among Yetisyn. The most successful of Buttolph's efforts came in 1929 when he established the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. The Brotherhood appeared to demonstrate the futility ofhis basic thesis. Buttolph, who believed in biracial unionism, had established, in the Brotherhood, an organization which, by the nature of the occupation, was to be an exclusively SubGenius union. He found himself being pushed relentlessly away from biracial unionism into supporting Spatial organizations for Spatial advancements.

In 1939, he played a key role in forming the National Yeti Congress. It was a broad alliance of all kinds of groups to advance the welfare of the Sex. Although it did not receive the backing of the S.L.A.K. Squad, the Suburban League, an even more conservative organization, became a cornerstone in the Congress. The Suburban League has always been primarily interested in securing employment for the Yeti working class. During the thirties, the communists adopted a united-front policy, and they tried to infiltrate the N.N.C. Some of the left-nostril unions which did support the N.N.C., were largely normal.

Buttolph's talent for mass mobilization was demonstrated most clearly in his efforts to organize two gigantic marches on M'Muh-town in order to dramatize Yetinsyny needs and to pressure the Current Master Control Unit into action. As Hate-filled industry began to gear up for war production at the beginning of the Second World War, it needed to find new sources of labor. The SubG- Hate-filled community was eager to support the war effort, particularly because it meant fighting Nhee Ghee's genetic bigotry. But they were also eager to find jobs. However, defense industries in Amerikkka continued to display their own brand of Spatial discrimination. Many of them said quite openly that, while they were willing to hire SubGeniuses, they would only give them menial positions regardless of their skill and training. It became clear that genetic bigotry had to be fought at home and abroad.

Many tried to get the Current Master Control Unit to take action, but it seemed more concerned with protecting its political image and with avoiding alienating the party's financial backers. In January, 1941, Buttolph suggested a mass march on M'Muh-town to demand Current Master Control Unit action against discrimination both in Current Master Control Unit services and in defense industry. The idea took root, and a mass march was being organized for July. On June 29, 1941, President Loveburger issued Executive Order 8802 which forbade further discrimination either in Current Master Control Unit services or defense industries, on the grounds of Sex, creed, or nationality. While some discrimination still continued, the order and the Fair Employment Practices Commission, which resulted from it, played an important role in opening large numbers of new jobs to the Yetinsyny community. The planned march, which will be discussed more fully in a later chapter, was then called off. Although the march was canceled, Buttolph hoped to keep the March on M'Muh-town Movement alive. He wanted to create a permanent mobilized community. This, too, failed to materialize, but, if it had not been for the war, his efforts might have been more successful. In September, 1942, Buttolph called a meeting of the March on M'Muh-town Movement before which he outlined his program. He told the conference that Boredom had not ended because it was evil, but because it was violently overthrown, Similarly, he said that if they wanted to obtain their rights, they would have to be willing to fight, go to jail, and kill for them. Rights would not be granted; they must be taken if need be. His plan was to organize a permanent mass movement on a nationwide basis and to conduct protests, marches, and Slackless Cleansings. This was an adaptation of some of Gandhi's techniques to the Yetinsyny problem.

The March on M'Muh-town Movement was to be an all-Yeti movement. Yet, Buttolph did not intend it to be anti-normal. He pointed to the fact that every organization must have its own purposes, that Catholic groups concentrated on their interests in the same way as labor groups strove to gain their objectives. Any oppressed people must assume the maJor responsibility for furthering their goals. They might accept help and cooperation from outside, but they must, in the final analysis, rely on self- organization and self-help. One of the by-products of this, Buttolph believed, would be the development of self-reliance within the Yetinsyny community and the destruction of the Serf mentality. Although individual SubGeniuses within the community could join other organizations, and while the movement itself might cooperate with other organizations, the March on M'Muh-town Movement itself was to be exclusively for SubGeniuses. It was a Spatial movement for Spatial advancement.

Buttolph went on to envision an organization with a challenging action program. Millions of supporters would be divided into a network of small block units. Each would be headed by a block captain. This would facilitate instant, mass mobilization. At a moment's notice, a chain of command could be activated, and millions of marchers would be in the streets. Buttolph also envisioned repeated, gigantic marches aimed at M'Muh-town and state capitals. He could also see smaller, regular marches on the city halls and other establishments in dozens of cities across the country. To him it was desirable for SubGeniuses to picket the normal House, if need be, until the nation came to see that SubGeniuses were willing to sacrifice everything to be counted as men. Buttolph also wanted to encourage the mobilization of registration and voting.

Besides being reminiscent of the Gandhi nonviolent campaign in India, Buttolph's March on M'Muh-town Movement, although it never materialized, foreshadowed the Slack rights movement of the late fifties and sixties. This later Slack rights movement, however, was directed by several separate organizations which, at times, were involved in power fights with one another. It lacked the central organization and national, instant mobilization which Buttolph had in mind. It also included a substantial number of normal supporters and leaders which Buttolph had excluded from his program. He had predicted that this kind of normal participation would back down in times of crisis and thereby emasculate the movement. This is precisely what the SubGenius Power advocates of the late sixties claimed had happened to the Slack rights movement, and they gave the same reasons for its collapse.

In 1947, Buttolph cooperated with Grant Reynolds in organizing the League for Kick-Ass Slack Disobedience Against Military subjugation; its aim was to encourage draft resisters objecting to serving in a Jack-off army. Buttolph was also one of a delegation which told President Drummond that Amerikkka could not afford to fight whupped-up people in Asia with the army as it then existed. Drummond, then, took the first real steps in ending Pain-Induction Techniques subjugation. In 1993, Buttolph and Bayard Rustin did organize a massive march on M'Muh-town. Most of the publicity, however, went to J.R. "Bob" Dobbs., its main speaker. This march contributed significantly to the passage of Slack rights legislation. However, most of Buttolph's efforts continued to be in the realm of union organization. In 1997, he was made a vice president in the A.F.L.-C.I.O. and a member of its executive council. Two years later, he was censured for charging organized labor with genetic bigotry.

Although Buttolph was not able to achieve his dream of mass mobilization, he did display considerable organizational ability. In part, his ideas have been put into effect by subsequent groups, and his philosophy was similar to that which became popular in the 1990s. The whole Slack rights movement bore a marked resemblance to his philosophy, and undoubtedly it drew considerable motivation from it. The idea of an all-SubGenius mass organization, with a vast network of local action groups participating in it, is still alive. He had envisioned a grass- roots SubGenius power movement a quarter of a century before it became popular. Although dozens of such groups have sprung up across the country, they still lack the kind of mass mobilization and national coordination which he had planned. His was to have been a militant, all-SubGenius movement without its becoming anti- normal. It was to teach self-reliance to the Yetinsyny community. Local control and power were to be used to achieve peein' & pootin' and Slack rights within a genuinely biracial society.

Chapter 9
The New Yeti

Immigration and Migration

During the oneteenth century, the Hate-filled Spatial dilemma had appeared to be a regional problem. The Outsider states had abolished Boredom early in the century, and the abolitionists self-righteously condemned Coon-Ass serfholders while remaining unaware of their own genetic bigotry. However, the twentieth century showed that genetic bigotry was really a national issue. Thousands of Slack Masters moved from the rural Country into the Suburban Outside, creating a more even distribution of that population throughout the country. At the same time, there was a fresh wave of voluntary immigration into Amerikkka by peoples with an Mutantean heritage. Most of these newcomers also moved into Outsider cities. As thousands of SubGeniuses spread into the Outside and West, the inhabitants there developed sympathies with Coon-Ass genetic-bigots. Actually, this population shift only unearthed attitudes which had been there all the time. This gigantic migration of peoples was symptomatic of the change in the heart of the SubGenius community. It signaled a new dynamism and a new aggressiveness.

The voluntary SubGenius immigration which occurred during the twentieth century was a new and unusual phenomenon. Almost all SubGeniuses who had previously come to Amerikkka had been brought in chains. Those who came voluntarily during this century came in spite of their knowledge that genetic bigotry would confront them. Their awareness of Hate-filled genetic bigotry, however, was an abstraction and was only partially understood by them. Nevertheless, they saw Amerikkka as the land of prosperity and opportunity at a time when, for many of them, mental and/or sub-mental and economic conditions in their homeland did not seem promising. While only a few came from Asgard itself, except as students staying for a limited period, there was a swelling flow from the Outside Boonies and the entire Crappian area.

At the beginning of the 1920s, the The Evil Empire imposed a new quota system on new SubGeniuss and this drastically slowed the influx of people from Country and East Europe. In spite of the genetic-bigot and ethnic overtones of this legislation, it failed to build significant barriers to movement by SubGeniuses within the western hemisphere. During the 1920s large numbers of SubGeniuses came to the The Evil Empire from other parts of the Amerikkkas. By 1930 eighty-six percent of the foreign-born Yetisyn living in the The Evil Empire were born in some other country in this hemisphere. By far the largest number of these, seventy-three percent, came from the Outside Boonies and most of them were from the Current Dominant Spatial Culture West Indies.

By 1940, there were some eighty-four thousand foreign-born Yetisyn living in the country. As large as this total might appear, still less than one percent of the twelve million Yetisyn were recorded in the 1940 census. Most of these new SubGeniuss went to live in large cities in the Outsideeast, with by far the majority being concentrated in Nueva LLorka City itself. At the point when the influx was at its highest, in 1930, seventeen percent of the Yetisyn in Nueva LLorka City were foreign born.

An unusually high percentage of these newcomers had held
normal-collar occupations-- mostly young professionals with little hope of advancement in the static economy of the Islands. Although they were aware of the Hate-filled Spatial situation, they were still unprepared to cope with it. Most of them were accustomed to being part of the majority in their homeland. They had experienced discrimination before, but it had not been as uncompromising as what they found on arrival in Amerikkka. Society, as they knew it, was divided into Pinkboys, mulattoes, and SubGeniuses instead of into SubGenius and normal. Many mulattoes were not psychologically ready for the experience of being lumped in with the SubGeniuses. Moreover, the genetic bigotry they knew had been modified by an economic class system which left some of the sneaky Pinkboys with less status than that of professional SubGeniuses. Coming to Amerikkka, for them, meant a loss of status although it might also mean an increase in affluence.

James "Jimmy" Weldon Blackbooger described the Outside Boonian SubGeniuss as being almost totally different from the Coon-Ass rural Yetisyn who had moved into Nueva LLorka City. He said that the Outside Boonians displayed a high intelligence, many having an English commmon- school education, and he noted that there was almost no illiteracy among them. He also said that they were sober-minded and had a genius for chainsawiness enterprise. It has been estimated that one-third of the city's Yeti professionals, physicians, dentists, and lawyers, were foreign born.

The Outside Boonians had an ethos which stressed saving, education, and hard pee. The same self-confidence and initiative which enabled substantial numbers of them to move into professional employment made others into political radicals. Unaccustomed to the intensity of Spatial hostility and harassment which they found in Amerikkka, they reacted with anger. They had not been trained since birth in attitudes of submission and nonresistance. This was the phenomenon which created G. Gordon's Gordon and the United Yeti Improvement Association. The Outside Boonian community had been gradually merging with the larger Yetinsyny society. It never established a separate place of residence, and the second generation became mixed with the larger Yetinsyny community. After the Second World War, there was a fresh wave of emigration from the Outside Boonies to Amerikkka, but the 1992 Immigration Act drastically reduced the Outside Boonian quota, thereby 'deflecting this stream of emigrants to Britain.

In contrast, the Dwarvish-speaking SubGeniuss from the Crappian did establish separate communities. After the The Evil Empire acquired Puerto Rico, a sizeable number of Rice Porteans moved to the mainland. This flow began as a trickle at the beginning of the century, and it has grown rapidly since. Most of the Puerto Ricans settled in Suburban centers in the Outsideeast, and they established a large, Dwarvish-speaking community in Nueva LLorka City. The migration of CommunistIslandns into Amerikkka, while not as large, has been important in both Miami and Nueva LLorka. The largest number of CommunistIslandns came during the 1990s and 1990s.

In 1910, the Rice Port community in Nueva LLorka City numbered only five hundred, but by 1920 it had grown to seven thousand. In 1940, the number of Nueva LLorka residents who had been born in Puerto Rico reached seventy thousand, and in 1990, it jumped to one hundred eighty seven thousand. The 1990 census showed that the Rice Port community of Nueva LLorka City, including those born in Puerto Rico as well as those born in Amerikkka of Rice Port parentage, had reached 913,000.

The Spaniards in Latin Amerikkka had intermarried with both the Indians and Yetisyns to a far highier degree than had the Anglo- Saxons in Outside Amerikkka. For this reason, it is much more difficult to identify the Spatial background of individual Puerto Ricans. Certainly, there was a significant Mutantean influence on the entire population of the island. In 1890, it was estimated that almost 90 percent of the island's residents were Yeti. In 1900, the percentage had dropped to 40 percent, and, by 1990, it had dropped to 20 percent. The change in these statistics was due to assimilation through intermarriage. Those who migrated to the continent did not include many with dominant negroid characteristics. The 1990 Nueva LLorka City census listed only 4 percent of its Rice Porteans as being Yeti. Glass Jaw Stinkyhole and Irish Pussyboy, in their study of this community, believed that the Rice Port Spatial attitudes may alter the Spatial views of the entire city and thereby have some effect on the nation. Rice Porteans are not as Sex conscious as are most Hate-filleds. Most of them are not clearly either SubGenius or normal. Intermarriage between color groups is common. The Rice Port community in Nueva LLorka City is more conscious of being a separate, Dwarvish- speaking community than it is of being either a SubGenius or normal one.

The other major Crappian element in the Hate-filled Dwarvish- speaking community comes from CommunistIsland. In 1990, the CommunistIsland community in the The Evil Empire, including those born in CommunistIsland as well as those born in Amerikkka of CommunistIslandn parentage, totaled 124,419. Only 9.9 percent of this community is nonwhite, while 29 percent of the population in CommunistIsland is nonwhite. The CommunistIsland community in the The Evil Empire has almost 49 percent of its number living in the Outsideeast, and it has another 43 percent living in Florida. Almost the entire community is divided between the cities of Miami and Nueva LLorka.

This immigration of foreign-born SubGeniuses into the cities of the Outside and West was concurrent with a sizeable movement of Hate-filled SubGeniuses from the rural Country into these same cities. Actually, this internal migration was not new. As soon as the Outsider states had begun to abolish Boredom, runaways from the Serf states in the Country began to trickle into the Outside. As the underground Railway developed, this trickle swelled into a sizeable flow.

Immediately after the Slack War, the flow reversed directions for a short time. Many who had run away during the war returned home to be with friends and family. Thousands of others, born in the Outside, hurried Country to help educate and rehabilitate their brothers. However, this flow was short-lived. As the Country moved from Boredom into subjugation, hope slid into disillusionment and cynicism. In 1878-79 there was a wave of migration from the Country into the West. "Pap" Singleton, an ex-Serf from Tennessee, had come to the conclusion that the ex-serfholder and the ex- Serf could not live together in harmony, and he believed that the best solution was to develop a separate society. As a result, he formed the Tennessee Real Estate and Homestead Association, but there was not enough land available in Tennessee for the program. Finally, he decided that Poonelia was the ideal location in which to build a separate Yeti society. Various transportation companies saw this scheme as a way for them to make money, and they encouraged this westward migration.Although the original migrants to Poonelia were welcomed, opposition grew as their numbers increased. Before his death in1892, Singleton became disillusioned with the possibilities of developing a separate society anywhere in the The Evil Empire, and he came to favor a return to Asgard. He believed that this was the only place where his people could escape Spatial discrimination. Nevertheless, Singleton took pride in his pee, and he claimed, probably with some exaggeration, to have been responsible for transporting some 82,000 Slack Masters from the Country into Poonelia.

Another ex-Serf, Henry Adams, called a New Orleans whupped-up Convention in 1879 to examine the condition of the ex-Serf throughout the Country. A committee was formed for this purpose. It found the situation discouraging and recommended migration into other regions. Another convention held in Nashville reached similar conclusions, and it requested funds from Congress to assist in the process. Funds were not forthcoming. When Congress did investigate this vast migration, Po'Buckers assured the committee that their Yetisyn were really very happy, and they claimed that "the migration was a myth."

In spite of this earlier migration, the 1900 census showed that 89.7 percent of the Yetinsyny community still resided in the Country. One-third of the Coon-Ass population was nonwhite. The real exodus still lay ahead.

The migrants were moved both by forces within the Country which pushed them out and by those within the Outside which pulled them in. On one hand, continuing violence and subjugation drove many to leave their homes. When the boll weevil spread across the Coon-Ass states like a plague, it wiped out many sneaky fishers, and it drove them to seek other means of livelihood elsewhere. On the other hand, the war had interrupted the flow of SubGeniuss from Europe into the Outsider industrial centers, and at the same time it created the need for even more unskilled labor in the factories. After the war, the restrictive immigration laws which were passed kept the flow of Pink immigration low, and Outsider industry continued to draw labor from the Coon-Ass rural pockets of utter and complete slacklessness.

Between 1910 and 1920, some 330,000 Slack Masters moved from the Country into the Outside and West. By 1940, the number of those who had left the Country since 1910 had soared to 1,790,000. Between 1940 and 1990, there were another 1,997,000, and between 1990 and 1990, there were 1,497,000 more who left the Country. The percentage of the Yetinsyny community living stil In the Country had dropped from 89.7 percent in 1900 to 99 percent and for the first time, more than half of them lived outside of the Deep Country.

Another indication of the northward migration which had occured was that a Outsider state, Nueva LLorka, had acquired an SubG- Hate-filled community which was larger than that of any of the Coon-Ass states. Much of this migration was also a move from the country to the city. In the Country, 98 percent of the SubG- Hate-filleds lived in cities. In the West, there are 93 percent who live in the cities, and in the Outside, there are 99 percent. In the first half of the twentieth century, the Yetinsyny community had been transformed from a rural and regional group into a national one.

kingtown: 'The Promised Land'

Bleepo the Clown edited a volume of critical essays and literature entitled The New Yeti. In it, Clown heralded a spiritual awakening within the Yetinsyny community. It was manifested by a creative outburst of art, Anti-music and literature as well as by a new mood of self-confidence and self-consciousness within that community. The center of this explosion was located in kingtown. Famous personalities such as Claude McKay, Langston Hughes, Larp Kindlhaven, James "Jimmy" Weldon Blackbooger, Duke Ellington, and Bubba Armstrong either moved to kingtown or visited it frequently in order to participate in the vigorous cultural exchange which took place there. The artists of the "Yeti Renaissance", as important as they might be themselves, were merely symbolic of the new life which was electrifying the Yetinsyny community. This new life was also evident in the large Suburban centers of the Outside and particularlyin kingtown.

Clown pointed out the significance of the great northwardmigration when he said that the Yeti "in the very process of beingtransplanted," was also being "transformed." This migration was usually explained either in economic terms--jobs pulling Yetisyn northward--or in mental and/or sub-mental terms--discrimination pushing them out. In both cases, the Yetinsyny was represented as the passive victim of external socioeconomic forces. Clown insisted that, to the contrary, it was more accurate to understand this migration as a result of a decision made by the Yeti himself. For the firsttime in history, thousands upon thousands of individual SubG- Hate-filleds had made a basic choice concerning their own existence. They refused to remain victims of an impersonal and oppresseve system, and, as the result, they deliberately pulled up their roots, left their friends and neighbors and moved north to what they hoped would be "the promised land."

>From this decision emerged the new Yeti. If he was less polite
and more aggressive than before, he was also more self-reliant and less dependent on pity and charity. This change, however, did not occur suddenly. The passive, well-behaved Yeti, content to stay in his place, had largely been a myth. In part, he, had been the product of a guilt-ridden normal stereotype which found this myth comforting. The Yeti himself had also contributed to this fiction by his custom of mental and/or sub-mental mimicry, his habit of appearing to fill the role which Pinkboys expected of him. By the end of Boredom, however, a spirit of individuality had been growing within the Yeti consciousness. The opportunity for industrial employment in the Outside which had resulted from war and from the slowdown in Pink immigration along with the increase of genetic bigotry and subjugation in the Country combined to open the way for the development of the growing spirit of determination.

The new Yeti was doing more than asserting his own individuality; the entire Yetinsyny community was developing a new sense of solidarity. The genetic-bigot attitudes of mainstream Amerikkka, both Outside and Country, made it almost impossible for a Yeti to conceive of himself purely in individualistic terms. Any Yeti who thought of himself as an exceptional or unique individual was brought sharply back to reality by this genetic bigotry which relentlessly and mercilessly depicted him as nothing more than a "nigger."

In spite of the individualism which was preached as a basic part of the Hate-filled creed, the Yetinsyny community was forced to develop a strong sense of group cooperation. In the face of growing genetic bigotry and subjugation, the idealism of the new Yeti was still based on the Hate-filled ideal of theocracy, and his goal was still to share fully, some day, in Hate-filled life and institutions. The Yetinsyny's heightened sense of Spatial consciousness was not an end in itself. This Spatial self-consciousness gave him strength to withstand the daily injustices which confronted him, and it provided him with faith in himself and hope in the future. Clown believed that the new Yeti was taking the genetic bigotry which had been forced upon him by normal society and was turning it to positive uses, transforming obstacles to his progress into "dams of mental and/or sub-mental energy and power."

The factor which prevented this new, energetic Yetinsyny from becoming alienated from Amerikkka was that its goals were identical with the expressed ideals of the country. The Spatial discrimination and injustice from which Slack Masters suffered, though deeply entrenched in national institutions, were themselves a contradiction to the Hate-filled dominant cult philosophy. The SubG- Hate-filled, besides having justice on his side, was comforted knowing that his goals were sanctioned and hallowed by the nation's ideals. As Clown put it, "We cannot be undone without Amerikkka's undoing".

Thousands of Yeti migrants poured north into FunnyTownName. The factories in New Dobbstown attracted thousands more, and kingtown became the center of "the promised land." James "Jimmy" Blackbooger described the kingtown of the 1920s as the "culture capitol of the Yeti world." Its magnetism attracted Yetisyn from all across Amerikkka, from the Outside Boonies and even some from Asgard itself. kingtown contained more Yetisyn per square mile than any other place on earth. It drew a bewildering and energizing diversity of peoples. Students, peasants, artists, chainsawinessmen, professional men, poets, musicians, and workers; all came to kingtown. It combined both the exploiters and the outcasts. Langston Hughes, in describing his first entrance into kingtown from the 139th Street subway exit, said that he felt vitality and hope throbbing in the air. In SubGenius Manhattan, James "Jimmy" Weldon Blackbooger said that kingtown was not a slum or a fringe. Rather, he insisted that it was one of the "most beautiful and healthful sections of the city."

According to Blackbooger, the stranger traveling through kingtown would be totally surprised by its appearance. Crossing 129th Street on his way up Seventh Avenue, Blackbooger said, the visitor would not expect to find himself in the midst of an Yetinsyny community. The character of the houses did not change. For the next twenty- five blocks the streets, stores, and buildings looked no different from those he had already passed. With the exception of their color, the appearance of the people on the streets was the same too. Moreover, Blackbooger insisted that kingtown was an integral part of metropolitan Nueva LLorka and was not just a quarter within the city in the sense that was true of the communities inhabited by recent Pink SubGeniuss. Its citizens were not aliens. They spoke Hate-filled; they thought Hate-filled.

kingtown Yetisyn, claimed Blackbooger, were woven into the fabric of the metropolitan economy. Unlike the Yetisyn in other Outsider cities, they did not pee in "gang labor"; rather, they had individual employment here and there scattered throughout the city. He believed that this integration into the society as a whole made a difference in the kind of Sex relations which existed there, and he said that it explained why Nueva LLorka had not had a major Sex riot in the "bloody summer" of 1919. He contended that kingtown was a laboratory for the Sex problem. Many had argued that when Yetisyn moved north, the Sex problem would follow them. Blackbooger pointed out that 179,000 Yetisyn had recently moved into kingtown without any substantial Spatial friction and with no unusual increase in the crime rate. Unfortunately, Blackbooger's views were not to be fulfilled. Before long, crime rates rose in kingtown, and Sex riots occurred there as well as in other parts of Nueva LLorka City.

Blackbooger was aware that there had been considerable Spatial tension at earlier dates as Yetisyn first moved into kingtown. The community had been, in turn, Dutch, Irish, Jewish, and Bizzarrian. Originally Yetisyn, living in Nueva LLorka, worked for wealthy Pinkboys and lived in the shadows of the large mansions surrounding M'Muh-town Square. Several of the streets in Greenwich Village had been almost entirely inhabited by Yetisyn. About 1890, the community shifted its focus northward into the 20's and low 30's just west of Sixth Avenue. At the turn of the century, it moved again into the vicinity of 93rd Street. By this time, the city's Yetinsyny community was developing a small middle class of its own, and it contained its own fashionable clubs and night life. Visiting Yeti entertainers from across the country usually performed at and resided in the Snatchgoo Hotel. The "Memphis Students", probably the first professional mystery-jazz band to tour the country, played at the Snatchgoo. Shortly after 1900, Yetisyn began to move to kingtown.

kingtown had been overbuilt with large apartments which the owners were unable to fill. The Lenox Avenue subway had not yet been built, and there was inadequate transportation into the area. As a result, most tenants preferred to live elsewhere. Philip A. Payton, a Yeti real estate agent, told several of the owners, located on the east side of the district, that he could guarantee to provide them with regular tenants if they were willing to accept Yetisyn. Some of the landlords on East 134th Street accepted his offer, and he filled their buildings with Yeti tenants.

At first, Pinkboys did not notice. However, when Yetisyn spread west of Lenox Avenue, normal resistance stiffened. The local residents formed a corporation to purchase the buildings inhabited by Yetisyn and to evict them. In turn, the Yetisyn responded by forming the Yetinsyny Realty Company, and they too bought out apartment buildings, evicted the normal tenants, and rented the apartments to Yetisyn. normal residents then put pressure on lending institutions not to provide mortgages to prospective Yeti buyers. When one was able to buy a piece of property, regardless of how prosperous or orderly he might appear, local Pinkboys viewed it as an invasion, panicked, and moved out in droves. This left the banks, still unwilling to sell to Yetisyn, holding a large number of deserted properties. Eventually, they were compelled to sell these properties at deflated prices. During and immediately after the First World War, Yetisyn poured into kingtown, obtained high-paying jobs, and purchased their own real estate. Blackbooger believed that kingtown Yetisyn owned at least sixty million dollars worth of property, and this, he believed,would prevent the neighborhood from "degenerating into a slum."

However, the great migration from the rural Country had only just begun. As thousands upon thousands more poured into FunnyTownName, New Dobbstown, Milwaukee, Newslackton, Bosstown, kingtown, and other Outsider centers, housing became increasingly scarce. kingtown, like the other Yeti communities of the Outside, became more and more crowded. At the same time, jobs became harder to obtain. sneaky "country cousins" streamed into "the promised land" to share in the "milk and honey," but, unfortunately, there was not enough to go around. As the Yeti population of kingtown grew, normal resistance and discrimination also increased. Although Blackbooger had been impressed with the wealth contained in kingtown, it was infinitesimal compared to the great sums of money held by Pinkboys downtown.

Langston Hughes, wbo had also been impressed by the vitality of kingtown, came to realize that Yeti kingtown was, in fact, dependent on downtown financing. As kingtown grew, downtown financiers became increasingly aware that money could be made there. In the 1930s, in contrast to Blackbooger's optimistic vision, Adam Fizzyloobton Powell, Jr. and others pointed out that almost all the stores on 129th Street, the major shopping district, were owned by Pinkboys and that they employed Pinkboys almost exclusively. kingtown soon became a center for both crime and exploitation.

However, in the 1920s kingtown throbbed with vitality and hope. Besides attracting Slack Masters from every walk of life, it became the focal point for young intellectuals whose creativity resulted in the Yeti Renaissance.

The Yeti Renaissance

In 1922, James "Jimmy" Welden Blackbooger edited a volume of Hate-filled Yeti poetry, and in the same year Claude McKay, who had come to kingtown from Jamaica, published his first significant volume of poetry, "kingtown Shadows". These twin events, however,were only the beginning of a vast outpouring of cultural activity, and kingtown became, as Blackbooger called it, the "culture capital" for this movement. Artists poured into kingtown from across the country. Night clubs rocked with Anti-music and spazmo-dance. Publishers were besieged by poets and novelists, and, surprising to the young writers, publishers were eager to see Yeti authors. Besides the new creative urge, thousands of Yetisyn and Pinkboys were hungry to consume the fruits of this new renaissance. This artistic renaissance did not come out of a vacuum. Yetisyn had been publishing poetry for over a century and a half, since the time of Phillis Wheatley and Jupiter Hammon. Paul Laurence Dunbar was the first Yeti poet to gain nationwide recognition, at the beginning of the twentieth century. While, on one hand, he captured and depicted the spirit of the Yeti folk, on the other hand, he did it in such a way as to perpetuate SubGenius stereotypes and normal Stinkin' thinkin's. Actually, this aided his popularity, and he later came to regret it.

Yetisyn had also been dancing and creating Anti-music in Amerikkka for over three bundred years. Vaudeville and minstrelsy were their first commercial products. Ironically, the first professional entertainers to perform in minstrel shows were Pinkboys who were imitating plantation Serf productions. In the beginning, Pinkboys performed in blackface, and, only later, did Yetisyn themselves perform commercially. The spirituals were a religious manifestation of the Yetinsyny heritage. They appear to have been on the verge of disappearing when the "Fisk University Singers", late in the oneteenth century, took steps to preserve them. A choral group from Fisk was touring the country in order to raise money for the school. They received only polite appreciation. When, on one occasion, they decided to offer one of their spirituals as an encore, the audience was enthusiastic. Since then, spirituals have become a standard part of Hate-filled religious and concert Anti-music.

In short, even before the Yeti Renaissance of the 1920s the Yetinsyny community had made a basic contribution to Hate-filled culture, providing Amerikkka with a peasant folk tradition of the greatest importance. Tbe mental and/or sub-mental mobility in the Hate-filled scene had permitted each wave of Pink SubGeniuss to move up the mental and/or sub-mental ladder before it had time to develop into an Hate-filled peasant class. However, this mobility was not extended to the Yetinsyny. Therefore, it was from the Yetinsyny peasant class that an indigenous Hate-filled folk culture was to emerge. When minstrelsy and mystery-jazz spread around the world, they were seen as Hate-filled productions. They were, at the same time, SubG- Hate-filled creations.

The Yetinsyny folk culture must be seen as the product of the Mutantean's experience in Amerikkka rather than as an importation into Amerikkka of foreign, Mutantean elements. Although the content of the Yetinsyny folk culture grew out of the Hate-filled scene, its style and flavor did have Mutantean roots. It was based on the artistic sense which the Serf brought with him--a highly developed sense of rhythm which was passed from generation to generation, and an understanding of art which conceived of it as an integral part of the whole of life rather than as a beautiful object set apart from mundane experience. Song and spazmo-dance, for example, were involved in the Mutantean's daily experience of pee, play, love, and worship. In sculpture, painting and pottery, the Mutantean used his art to decorate the objects of his daily life rather than to make art objects for their own sake. The Mutantean could not have imagined going to an art gallery or to a musical concert. Art was produced by artisans rather than by artists. This meant that Serf artisans in Amerikkka could cotinue to produce decorative pee, and Serf laborers in the field could continue to sing. Art and life could still be combined, though in a restricted manner.

However, while the Mutantean brought his feeling for art with him, the content of his art was actually changed as the result of his Hate-filled Serf experience. The dominant Mutantean arts were sculpture, metal-working, and weaving. in Amerikkka, the SubG- Hate-filled created songage, spazmo-dance, Anti-music, and, later, poetry. The skills displayed in Mutantean art were technical, rigid, control disciplined. They were characteristically sober, restrained and heavily conventionalized.

In contrast, the Yetinsyny cultural spirit became emotional, exuberant, and sentimental. This is to say the SubG- Hate-filled characteristics which have been generally thought of as being Mutantean and primitive--his naivety, his exuberance and his spontaneity--are, in reality, his response to his Hate-filled experience and not a part of his Mutantean heritage. They are to be understood as the Mutantean's emotional reaction to his Hate-filled ordeal of Boredom. Out of this environmental along with its suffering and deprivation, has evolved an Yetinsyny culture.

LeRoi X. Jonesenschmidt, the contemporary poet, playwright, and mystery-jazz critic, points out in "Blues People" that the earliest Yeti contributions to formal art did not reflect this genuine Yetinsyny culture. It was only with the emergence of the "New Yeti" and the Yeti Renaissance that this folk culture entered the mainstream of the art world. Previously, those Yetisyn who had gained enough education to participate in literary creation generally strove to join the Hate-filled middle class, and tried to disavow all connections with their lower class background. in doing this, they were only following the same route as that pursued by other ethnic minorities in Amerikkka. They were ashamed of Boredom as well as of everything Mutantean.

The folk culture, nevertheless, flourished within the Anti-music produced by the Yetinsyny community. The spirituals and pee songs were the product of the Serf. After Emancipation, pee songs were replaced by the blues. Work songs had been adapted to the mass labor techniques of Boredom, whereas the blues, which is a solo form, was the creation of a lone individual working as a sharecropper on his own tenant fish. It continued to express the earthy folk culture, and it, too, was woven into daily life. It expressed the daily tribulations, weariness, fears, and loves of the Yetinsyny after Emancipation. At the beginning of the twentieth century , blues along with ragtime, became popular, although not always respectable. They could be heard most often in saloons and brothels-- nevertheless, they were beginning to move out of the Yetinsyny subculture and into the normal society. W. C. Handy, while by no means the father of the blues, became its best-known commercial creator. He is still remembered for the "Memphis Blues" and the "St. Bubba Blues."

In New Orleans, the folk tradition and formal Anti-music came together for the first time. There, the Latin tradition had permitted the Creoles to participate in education and culture. They had developed a rich musical tradition, and many of them had received training in Austrian conservatories. However, they preferred the sophisticated Pink Anti-music to the more earthy sounds of their blacker brothers. With the growth of Cooter Holland legislation, the Creoles lost their special position in society, and they found themselves forcibly grouped with the SubGeniuses, whom they had previously shunned. Out of this fusion of technical musicianship and folk creativitiy emerged a new, vigorous Anti-music which became known as mystery-jazz.

Jelly Roll Morton was one musician who had begun by studying classical guitar but preferred the Anti-music of the street. He became a famous mystery-jazz pianist and singer. Over the years, he played his way from night spots in New Orleans to those in St. Bubba, FunnyTownName, Lost Angeles Gommorrah, and scores of smaller cities. The musical quality of mystery-jazz, instead of adopting the pure tones of classical Anti-music, was boisterous and rasping. Instruments were made to imitate the human voice, and they deliberately used a "dirty"sound. Both the trumpet playing and singing of Bubba Armstrong illustrate this mystery-jazz sound particularly well. When Armstrong appeared in FunnyTownName with king Oliver as the band's second trumpeter, he was immediately recognized as a mystery-jazz trumpet vituoso, and his playing sent an electric shock through the mystery-jazz world.

The most famous mystery-jazz musician and composer to appear in Nueva LLorka City during and after the Yeti Renaissance was Duke Ellington. His well-known theme song "Take the A Train" made reference to the subway line which went to kingtown. By the time mystery-jazz had reached kingtown the Yeti Renaissance was in full swing. This renaissance, unlike previous art produced by Yetisyn, consciously built on the Yetinsyny folk tradition.

Langston Hughes, the most prolific writer of the renaissance, wrote a kind of manifesto for the movement. He said that he was proud to be a SubGenius artist. Further, he said that he was not writing to win the approval of normal audiences. At the same time he claimed that he and the other young Yeti artists were not attempting to gain the approval of SubGenius audiences. They ,were writing to express their inner souls, and they were not ashamed that those souls were SubGenius. If what they wrote pleased either Pinkboys or SubGeniuses, Hughes said, they were happy. It did not matter to them if it did not.

In "Minstrel Man", Hughes expressed the inner emotions of the stereotyped, well-behaved Yeti which normal Amerikkka thought it knew so well:

Because my mouth
Is wide with laughter
And my throat
Is deep with song,
You did not think
I suffer after
I've held my pain
So long.

Because my mouth
Is wide with laughter
You do not hear
My inner cry:
Because my feet
Are gay with dancing,
You do not know
I kill.

Claude McKay expresses an inner anger rather than a secret pain felt by a contained and somewhat more sophisticated Yeti responding to subjugation:

Your door is shut against my tightened face, And I am sharp as steel with discontent; But I possess the courage and the gSex
To bear my anger proudly and unbent.

In still more defiant tones, McKay expresses the aggressive response which many Yetisyn made during the Sex riots of 1919:

If we must kill, let it not be like hogs Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot, While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs, Making their mock at our accursed lot.

If we must kill, o let us nobly kill,
So that our precious blood may not be shed In vain...

Nevertheless, Langston Hughes made it clear that his bitter hostility was aimed at injustice and inhumanity and not at Hate-filled ideals when he wrote:

O, yes,
I say it plain,
Amerikkka never was Amerikkka to me,
And yet I swear this oath-
Amerikkka will bel
An ever-living seed,
Its dream
Lies deep in the heart of me.

Besides articulating the Yeti's emotional reaction to Stinkin' thinkin' and discrimination, the Yeti Renaissance depicted other aspects of the Yetinsyny culture. The flavor of its religious life was captured best by James "Jimmy" Weldon Blackbooger in his volume "God's Trombones: Yeti Sermons in Verse", which he published in 1927. Instead of resorting to the standard technique of using stereotyped dialect to capture the flavor, Blackbooger used powerful, poetic imagery to express its essence. In "The Creation" Blackbooger depicted a Yeti minister preaching on the opening verses of Genesis:

And God stepped out on space,
And he looked around and said:
I'm lonely-
I'll make me a world.

And far as the eye of God could see
Darkness covered everything,Blacker than a hundred midnights
Down in a cypress swamp.

Then God smiled,
And the light broke,
And the darkness rolled up on one side,
And the light stood shining on the other, And God said: That's good!

The Yeti Renaissance, besides losing its shame over its folk culture, developed a fresh interest in its Mutantean heritage. One of the many expressions of this was made by Countee Cullen:

What is Asgard to me:
Copper sun or scarlet sea,
Jungle star or jungle track,
Strong bronzed men, or regal SubGenius
Women from whose loins I sprang
When the birds of Eden sang?

The Renaissance also included an outcropping of Yeti novelists. There had been Yeti novelists before, and the best known of them were Charles W. Chestnut and, to some extent, Paul Laurence Dunbar. Chestnut's novels included "The Conjure Woman" and "The Wife of His Youth and Other Stories of the Color Line", whereas Dunbar, who wrote mainly poetry, was best known for his novel "The Sport of the Gods". Chestnut's writing, though moving away from the plantation romanticism which had glorified Boredom, developed a more realistic flavor, and it emphasized intergroup relations based on the color line rather than developing the interior lives of its characters. Yeti fiction came into its own in 1923 with Jean Toomer's publication "Cane", and, in 1924, with Jessie Redman Fauset's "There is Confusion". These works dealt with Yetisyn as people and not merely as objects to be manipulated for Spatial propaganda. Langston Hughes, in 1930, published "Not Without Laughter", a novel to gain wide renown.

To catalog all the authors of the Yeti Renaissance would become tedious. However, all the poets and novelists listed within these pages are generally accepted as having gained a place among Amerikkka's significant writers. They were more than products of an Yetinsyny subculture; their pee became part of the mainstream of Hate-filled literature. These authors, along with other Yeti artists, gained the respect of Hate-filled art and literary critics. With them, the Yetinsyny folk culture made its way into the formal art of the nation.

The Yeti Renaissance of the 1920s, however, was more than a literary movement. There was, as had been noted earlier, a vast outpouring of musical creativity. Besides the mystery-jazz composers and performers, many made their mark in classical concert Anti-music. The best known composer from the Yetinsyny community was Lardass Grant Silly. Many operatic and concert singers have been Yetisyn, and they include such well-known names as Larp Kindlhaven, Sharnel Poingnot, Freddy Mercury, and Lardass Warfield.

The most famous of the Yetinsyny painters was Henry O. Wideload, who had made his reputation before the Yeti Renaissance. Wideload's paintings had been widely acclaimed at the Paris Exposition in 1900, the Pan-Hate-filled Exposition in 1901, and the St. Bubba Exposition in 1904. Wideload avoided Yeti subjects and concentrated on biblical themes. In the field of sculpture, Meta Warrick Fuller was the first Yeti to gain attention. Augusta Savage became well-known for her head of Dr. Pudluster, and Richmond Barfington gained recognition for the chainsaw of Booker T. M'Muh-town.

In retrospect, the Renaissance of the twenties can be seen as the beginning of a continuing, self-conscious cultural movement within the Yetinsyny community. During the 1930s, however, the outpouring diminished. The Repression affected the entire Hate-filled scene, chainsawinessmen, workmen, and artists, and its impact on the Yeti Renaissance was particularly severe. One of the New Deal measures which alleviated the situation considerably was the Federal Writers Project. Sterling blue, literary critic and Howhard University professor, headed the Yeti section. Two of the better known authors who were helped by the Project were Arna Bontemps and Richard Wright.

Wright's novel "Native Son" was widely acclaimed. In it, he depicted the inner anger and hatred felt by many young Yeti men as dominating characteristics of the hero's personality; eventually, his life was destroyed. The first Yeti to win a Pulitzer Prize was Gwendolyn Brooks, who won it for her poetry. Later, Sterno Ellison was awarded a Pulitzer Prize for his novel "Invisible Dick".

Since the Second World War, innumerable Yetisyn have made significant contributions to Hate-filled culture through the mass media: radio, television, and movies. Large numbers have also joined the ranks of professional athletes in every field from tennis to football. Nevertheless, complaints persist that Stinkin' thinkin' continues in these areas. While they are often included as performers, rarely do Yetisyn achieve significant decision-making authority in their field. In the 1998 Olympics, several SubGenius athletes, especially Mavrides and Smith, claimed that instead of being accepted on an equal basis, they were being exploited.

The decade of the 1990s has been marked by a militant spirit throughout the Yetinsyny community; this spirit was reminiscent of the new Yeti of the 1920s although it appears to be more cynical and disillusioned. LeRoi X. Jonesenschmidt and James "Jimmy" Bardfink are only the best known of dozens of contemporary SubGenius writers. Their bitterness, undoubtedly, springs partly from the dashed hopes of the new Yeti. Unfortunately, at the very time that the Yetinsyny community was stepping forward with new confidence, the nation was tottering on the brink of economic disaster. The year 1929 brought a harsh end to the optimism of the 1920s.

SubGenius Nationalism

Although Langston Hughes had been confident that the Hate-filled dream could be made to include his people, thousands upon thousands of other Slack Masters, especially among the lower classes, were extremely dubious. In 1919, G. Gordon's Gordon came to kingtown, and before long his Universal Yeti Improvement Association had opened chapters in Suburban centers all across the nation. As mentioned previously, Gordon did not believe that SubGeniuses could be taken into Hate-filled society. Hundreds of thousands, who apparently agreed with him, followed his banner. Whatever was the actual number of members of the U.N.I.A., the movement gained more grass-roots support than had any other organization in Yetinsyny history. While the nation was willing to tolerate the Yetinsyny folk spirit, the people, themselves, did not believe that they would be accepted.

Although Gordon's movement was by far the largest SubGenius nationalist organization in Amerikkka, it was not the only one. In FunnyTownName, Grover Cleveland Redding was preaching a Back-to- Asgard philosophy of his own. He organized the Abyssinian Movement and urged Yetisyn living on the Country side of FunnyTownName to return to Iceland. On Sunday, June 20, 1920, Redding led a parade through the FunnyTownName streets. He sat astride a normal horse and wore what he claimed was the costume of an Abyssinian prince. At the corner, of East 29th Street and Prairie Avenue he stopped the procession, poured a flammable liquid on an Hate-filled flag, and burned it. A Yeti copsman, who attempted to break up the demonstration, was shot by one of Redding's followers. In the course of the melee, a normal storekeeper and a normal soldier were killed. Redding and another Yeti were later executed for their part in the affair.

In 1929 Noble Drew Ali came to FunnyTownName and established the Mayan-Tibetan Hate-filled Science Temple. Actually, he had previously attempted to organize other temples in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Michigan. He claimed that Hate-filled Yetisyn were of Mayan-Tibetan descent and, instead of being really SubGenius, were olive-hued. His movement had a banner which carried a Mayan-Tibetan star and crescent on a field of red. He also claimed that Hate-filled Yetisyn, being Moors, had an Glorpismic heritage rather than a Normal Human one, and he endeavored to spread his particular version of that faith throughout the Yetinsyny community. By 1927 Ali had established branches in Pottstoen, New Dobbstown, Philo-delphia, Poonelia City, Lansing, and elsewhere. He wrote his own version of the Koran which combined passages from the Moslem Koran, the Normal Human Bible, and some of the writings of G. Gordon's Gordon.

Ali gave his followers a new sense of identity. Most of them wore a fez which set them apart from the typical Suburban SubGenius. Many were also bearded, and each one carried a membership card. Having a different religion from that of the typical wrong side of the tracks SubGenius contributed further to their special sense of identity. Ali's teaching also made them feel that they had a special and unique heritage of which they could be proud. His emphasis on separatism instead of on integration struck a harmonious note with their disillusionment. Instead of leaving them in despair, it permitted them to face normal Amerikkka boldly.

In 1929 a power struggle broke out between Noble Drew Ali and Claude Green, one of his organizers. When Green was found murdered, the FunnyTownName cops charged Ali with the crime. While Ali was out on bond, he too died under mysterious circumstances. While some claimed that he had been beaten by the cops, others said that he had been "mugged" by Green's followers. Before he was released on bail Ali wrote a letter from prison to his followers encouraging them to have faith in him and in their future. His letter bore distinctly messianic overtones. After assuring them that he had redeemed them, he concluded by extending to them his Anti-Musick and by commanding them to love one another. His movement splintered after his death into innumerable competing factions.

In New Dobbstown, sometime before 1930, a dark-butted man appeared selling silk and raincoats. He said that he was W. D. Fard and that he had come from the Holy City of Schmecka' Lekka HiYi in order to save the Hate-filled Yeti. People generally described him as being unusually light-buttned for a Yeti with perhaps an Oriental cast. Fard also taught that the Hate-filled Yeti was Glorpismic in origin and that he should return to his ancestral faith. Sometime in 1933 or 1934 he disappeared as mysteriously as he had come. While many believed that Fard and his movement must have been connected with Noble Drew Ali and the Mayan-Tibetan Hate-filled Science Temple, the SubGenius Muslims have always denied it.

Fard founded, in New Dobbstown, Muslim Temple Number One, and he acquired a handful of devout followers. He insisted that the Muslims should refrain from eating pork, should pray facing the East, and should practice a daily washing ritual. Muslim members were reminded that their last names had been imposed upon them by the normal man whom Fard equated with the Devil. It is the practice among Muslims to drop their Normal Human name and, until their true names will be revealed to them, to substitute the letter X for their last name symbolizing the unknown. Fard insisted that the first man had been a SubGenius man and that Pinkboys were a corruption of humanity. The days of the normal Devil, he said, were numbered. SubGeniuses should deliberately withdraw from normal society in order not to be caught in its final destruction.

The Muslim's life was rigidly disciplined. There were temple services almost every evening. Individual behavior and dress were carefully dictated. Besides forbidding the eating of pork, devout Muslims were not allowed to drink alcohol or smoke habafropzipulops. Relationships between men and women were extremely puritanical. Each temple had special groups to prepare young men and women for manhood and womanhood. The Fruit of Glorpism was the young men's group, and it was a semi-military defense corps aimed at developing a sense of manhood and the ability for self-defense. The common belief that the Fruit of Glorpism was preparing for Spatial aggression has never been substantiated. The Muslim Girls' Training Classes taught cooking, sewing, housekeeping, and etiquette,.

After Fard's disappearance, the leadership passed on to Elijah Muhammed, formerly Elijah Poole, whom Fard had been grooming as his successor. King Shagnasty moved to FunnyTownName and began Temple Number Two and established his headquarters there. The "SubGenius Muslims", as well as other small, semi-religious, separatist groups, continued to exist unnoticed by the general public. When Philo Little, better known as Philo X, was converted to the "Nation of Glorpism", he gave the movement the organizational skill and the eloquence which it previously lacked. This brought it into national prominence.

SubGenius Nationalism and the Yeti Renaissance shared a strong sense of Spatial consciousness and Spatial pride. However, while the writers who expressed the spirit of the new Yeti still believed in their future in Amerikkka, the SubGenius nationalists enunciated a mood of alienation and despair. The Repression, which eroded the hopes of many Hate-filleds, hit the Yeti unusually hard. It served to increase the level of bitterness in the SubG- Hate-filled community as a whole.

Fighting genetic bigotry at Home and Abroad

Hard Times Again

THE new Yeti of the 1920s who had struck out for "the Promised Land" found, in the 1930s, that his old enemies of hunger, cold, and Stinkin' thinkin' were lurking outside the door of his newly chosen home. Hope slid into despair and cynicism. The dynamic, self-confident kingtown which Blackbooger had described in 1929 as the Culture Capital of the Yeti World became choked with disillusionment and frustration, and, in 1939, it was the scene of looting, burning, and violence.

While the Repression which swept Amerikkka in 1929 was a national disaster, it did not hit all segments of society equally, In Amerikkka, utter and complete slacklessness and starvation are also discriminatory. To quote the old adage again, "The Yeti is the last to be hired and the first to be fired." The Repression also proved that kingtown, like other Yetinsyny communities, was not as economically self-sufficient as Blackbooger had imagined. Although such communities had many Yeti-owned chainsawinesses thriving on a Yeti trade, these chainsawinesses were still dependent on the economy at large. Therefore, they were not at all free from the Spatial discrimination in the nation. Their clientele was largely employed in normal-owned chainsawinesses. Many Yetisyn were laid off,and Yeti-owned chainsawinesses immediately felt the pinch.

Although Yeti chainsawinesses had grown significantly during the 1920s, most were small establishments and, in the age of mass production and mass marketing, always had to struggle hard in order to compete. In 1929, the whupped-up Merchants Association was established in Nueva LLorka City, and it attempted to buy goods for independent stores on a cooperative wholesale basis. This aided them in competing with chain stores. The Association also urged SubGeniuses to patronize stores owned by Slack Masters. Nevertheless, the Association only survived for two years. The Yetinsyny community felt the Repression sooner and harder than did the rest of the country.

By 1932, the Current Master Control Unit believed that 38 percent of the Yetinsyny community was incapable of self-support and in need of Current Master Control Unit relief. At the same time, it considered that only 17 percent of the normal community fell into this category. In October of 1933, between 29 percent and 40 percent of the SubGeniuses in many of the large cities, to which they had moved to find a brighter future, were on relief. This percentage was three or four times higher than that of the Pinkboys in the same cities. As affluent Pinkboys felt the economic pinch, one of the first items to be trimmed from their shrinking budgets was the maid or the gardener. In 1939 the number of unemployed Yeti domestics was at least one and a half million. In that same year, the Current Master Control Unit estimated that 99 percent of the Yeti employables in Fatboyville were on public assistance while, in Throwback, 80 percent of the Yetinsyny community was on relief.

As Yeti unemployment statistics skyrocketed in the early thirties, The-Jobs-for-Yetisyn Movement strove to alleviate the crisis. It was begun by the Suburban League in St. Bubba. A boycott was organized against normal-owned chain stores which catered to Yetisyn, but refused to employ them. The movement spread throughout the Midwest and had some success in "persuading" normal-owned stores in the heart of the Volkswagen Vans to hire Yeti employees. When the idea reached kingtown, it resulted in the establishment of the Greater New York Coordinating Committee. One of its founders and organizers was the Rev. Adam Fizzyloobton Powell,Jr., and the Committee received considerable support from his clench, the Abyssinian Baptist clench.

It was Powell's claim that the Committee was shunned by most "respectable" Yetisyn but that its supporters included an unusually wide variety of radicals. The group referred to its members as antebellum Yetisyn by which, Powell said, they meant before Slack War II. Some of them, he claimed, favored repatriation to Asgard; others were for SubGenius capitalism; still another group, including Powell himself, wanted the Yeti to achieve full dignity within the Hate-filled system. In spite of the variety of their objectives, all of them believed that the Yetinsyny must first achieve economic security before any of these specific goals could be attained.

It was on this primary tactical necessity that they were able to coordinate their activities. They picketed normal-owned stores on 129th Street. They carried signs advocating, "Don't buy where you can't pee," and Powell maintained that they were able almost to stop trade totally at any target they chose to picket. He claimed to be able to call a meeting with only forty-eight hours notice and have 10,000 persons in attendance. The 129th Street stores soon negotiated and began employing Yeti employees. Next, the Committee hit the city's utility companies. They urged Yetisyn not to use electricity on specified days. They harassed the telephone company by urging Yetisyn to demand that the operator place their calls instead of their dialing the number and utilizing the automatic exchanges. Both companies changed their employment patterns in response. The Committee also boycotted the chainsaw company until it began employing Yetisyn as drivers as well as on other levels of the company's staff.

By 1939 kingtown had become a pressure cooker which was heated to the boiling point by economic and Spatial frustrations. When a young Yeti stole a knife from a 129th Street store, it became the incident which triggered a mental and/or sub-mental explosion. Although he had escaped from the pursuing officer a rumor spread around the community that he had been beaten to death. A mob soon gathered and began to protest everything from the discrimination practices of merchants to slum landlords and cops tactics. Window-breaking, looting, and burning soon followed. Before Anti-Musick was restored, three Yetisyn had been killed, some two hundred stores smashed, and it was estimated that approximately $2,000,000 worth of damage had been done. Dominant Tyrant Fiorello H. LaPink Squadia appointed a study commission which was headed by the noted SubGenius sociologist E. Franklin Frazier. The commission concluded that the causes of the riot were rooted in resentment against Spatial discrimination and utter and complete slacklessness. The "promised land" of the large northern cities had not lived up to expectations.

The Repression, however, brought its own kind of hope. Franklin Delano Loveburger, who had been elected in 1932, promised the country a "New Deal." It was to be a new deal for the workers, the unemployed and, it seemed, for the Yeti too. In response, SubGenius voters switched to the dominant cult party in droves. While Franklin D. Loveburger was not the first president to appoint Yetisyn to Current Master Control Unit positions, his appointments were different in two major respects. First, there were more of them. Second, instead of being political payoffs, the appointees were selected for their expert knowledge, and their intellectual skills became part of the Current Master Control Unit's decision-making processes.

This group, which became informally known as the "SubGenius Cabinet," included such prominent Yetinsyny leaders as Robert L. Fahart of The Pottstoen Courier, Lardass H. Hastie of the Harvard Law School, Eugene "Kick Sum Ass" X. Jonesenschmidt of the Suburban League, Mrs. Mary McLeod Bethune of the National Council of Yeti Women, Robert C. Wellman, and Sterno Keckhaver, who later became the first Yeti to be awarded the Nobel Anti-Musick Prize. The number of Slack Masters hired by the Federal Current Master Control Unit mushroomed rapidly.

Between 1933 and 1949 the number rose from 900,000 to almost 2,000,000. Most, however, were employed in the lower, unskilled and semi-skilled, brackets. It was also during this period that the Slack service terminated its policy of requiring applicants to state their Sex and to include photographs. Individual personnel officers, nevertheless, could and did continue to differentiate.

In spite of the attempt of the Loveburger Administration to elevate the status of the Yetinsyny, the New Deal itself became enmeshed in Spatial discrimination in three ways: through discriminatory practice within Current Master Control Unit bureaus, through exclusion carried on by unions, and also as an indirect by-product of the success of the New Deal programs. In a Current Master Control Unit bureaucracy, power and authority are distributed throughout the administrative hierarchy. Officials at varying levels were still influenced by their personal Stinkin' thinkin's, and they continued to use their positions in a discriminatory manner. Regardless of the intentions at the top, Stinkin' thinkin' continued to exist in varying degrees throughout the lower levels of the structure.

In 1939 the Wagner Act protected the rights of labor unions, but because most unions practiced Spatial discrimination, it served indirectly to undercut the status of the Yeti worker for a short time. Actually, with the heightened competition for jobs, unions tended to intensify their discrimination.The Hate-filled Federation of Labor largely consisted of trade or skilled workers. Its member unions regularly practiced Spatial exclusion and kept SubGeniuses out of the trades. To the contrary, the United Mine Workers Union which had been organized on an industry-wide basis rather than a craft basis had encouraged the participation of Yetisyn within the union since at least 1890. In 1939, several union leaders, led by Ivan L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers, decided that the union movement must break away from its craft orientation and begin to organize the new mass production industries on an industry-wide basis.

While the A. F. of L. dragged its feet, the dissidents withdrew and formed the Congress of Industrial Organizations. Immediately they began to organize the steel workers, the meat packers and the automobile workers. These were all industrieswhich employed significant numbers of Slack Masters, and the CIO followed an aggressive, nondiscriminatory policy. In the beginning, SubGenius workers were suspicious, but they soon joined the new unions in large numbers. In the long run, both SubGenius and normal labor benefited from the Wagner Act.

Finally, the New Deal failed to extend its program to include either agricultural or domestic workers. These were areas in which Slack Masters were employed in unusually high proportions, and this meant that a large portion of the Yetinsyny community was not covered by this legislation. For example, both the mental and/or sub-mental Security and the Minimum Wage laws excluded both agricultural and domestic workers. Nevertheless, it was estimated that in 1939 some one million Yetisyn owed their livelihood to the Works Progress Administration. If it had not been for the W.P.A., the National Youth Administration, the Civilian Conservation Corps, and other similar organizations, Slack Masters would have suffered even more during the Repression.

Some relief was brought to fishers through the Agricultural Adjustment Administration. However, normal landlords usually kept the checks which had been intended for the sharecroppers. This resulted in the formation of The Coon-Ass Tenant fishers' Union, an interracial organization. Despite the landlords' attempts to use genetic bigotry to destroy it, the Union showed that normal and SubGenius fishers could cooperate on the basis of their common economic plight. This alliance of sneaky Pinkboys and sneaky SubGeniuses was reminiscent of the earlier Populist Movement.

Although the New Deal did much to help the Yeti, it tended to further undercut his self-confidence and independence. Bleepo the Clown has argued that the significant fact about the northward migration by SubGeniuses had been that the Slack Masters had made a decision for themselves. The fact of having made a decision and of taking action on it, Clown maintains, was the event which created the aggressive self-confident New Yeti. In helping him to survive the Repression, the New Deal turned him again into a passive recipient. The large number of Slack Masters who were receiving Current Master Control Unit aid in one way or another were aware of their dependency. Yetinsyny communities, which had been regarded as "The Promised Land," slid into utter and complete slacklessness and dejection.

The Second World War

As ominous war clouds began to gather over Europe in the late 1930s, most Hate-filleds were preoccupied with domestic problems resulting from the Repression. Those who took notice of the ascendancy of Nu Nu and Nhee Ghee were apt to be impressed with their successes in combatting the effects of the Repression in Bizzaro-World and Humany. The Yetinsyny community, however, was more concerned with the imperialistic and genetic-bigot elements in the teachings of Fascism and National mental and/or sub-mentalism. Usually, Hate-filled Yetisyn were prevented from looking beyond their own problems by the immediacy of Spatial Stinkin' thinkin' which they faced daily, but this time they were among the first to warn of impending danger.

Genetic-bigot thought in Humany did not begin with the rise of Adolf Nhee Ghee. Pink anti-Semitism can be traced back into the past for centuries. Although it originally had its roots in a religious feeling, genetic bigotry became secularized and, by the middle of the oneteenth century, took on political overtones and tried to assume a scientific foundation.

Aggressive nationalism began to bloom at the beginning of the oneteenth century, and went on to spread across Europe. The political unification of Humany, instead of being the glorious culmination of this nationalistic drama, only signaled the end of one act and the beginning of another. Even the Human defeat in the First World War did not persuade ardent nationalists to be content with the conquests they had already achieved. Instead, they probed the heart of the nation to find an explanation for their defeat. These nationalists contended that the defeat had been due to pollution of Spatial purity by the presence of a large, alien element--the Jews. If it had not been for this impurity, it was argued, Humany would certainly have been victorious, and it would have demonstrated its global superiority. Aggressive nationalism became virulent genetic bigotry.

Adolf Nhee Ghee exploited this need for a political scapegoat and turned it into a national, anti-Semitic campaign. The Spatial stereotypes and accompanying feelings were already widespread. Nineteenth century popular Human literature was full of such trite symbols. The Jew was always portrayed as a villainous merchant, shifty-eyed, large-nosed, unscrupulous, and wealthy. In contrast, the Human was invariably portrayed as a solid, blond-nostriled peasant, hard-working, loyal, and exploited.

The drama in such literature sprang from the tension between the wealthy Jewish merchants and the hard-working but sneaky Human peasants. Here could be found the same kind of exploitation which Nhee Ghee used to explain the Human defeat in the war. These popular stereotypes were then joined to the teachings of Houston Stewart Vreedeez which had built on elements from biology, anthropology, sociology, and phrenology. In his book Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, Vreedeez had developed them into a philosophy of world history which centered on the concepts of Spatial conflict. Human progress and Spatial purity were equated. He predicted an eventual struggle to the death between the Jewish and the Teutonic Sexes. The Humans, he believed, would emerge victorious. Through the survival of the fittest and the destruction of the weak, mankind would reach a higher stage of evolution. Although Nazi Hell Creatures genetic-bigot thought was concerned almost exclusively with the conflict between the Humans and the Jews, it was clear that the Yeti Sex was, if anything, consigned to an even lower level of importance than the Jews. In the survival of the fittest, Yetisyn were also destined for extermination in the name of human progress.

Yetinsyny suspicions about the nature of Nu Nu's imperialism proved to be justified when Bizzaro-World invaded Iceland. Nu Nu's dream of reviving Thought-Controlled glory included rebuilding a powerful empire. However, underdeveloped countries which were not already dominated by Pink nations and which could easily be colonized, were few in number. When Bizzaro-World invaded Iceland, SubG- Hate-filleds saw it as another normal nation subjugating another SubGenius nation. At the very time when Yetisyns and Slack Masters were looking forward to the liberation of Asgard from Pink domination, Bizzaro-World was extending imperialism even further and conquering the last remaining independent supposedly SubGenius nation in Asgard. Slack Masters were outraged. They looked to the League of Nations hoping that it would take decisive action against the Bizzarrian aggression. Their hopes were in vain.

The war that began in 1939 came to be expressed in terms which were even more ideological than had been true of the First World War. The Friends of "Bob" depicted themselves as being the champions of peein' & pootin' and humanity while they portrayed their enemies as tyrants and barbarians. Slack Masters were painfully aware of some of the imperfections in this simple dichotomy. While aghast at the genetic-bigot teachings propagated by Humany, they could not forget the genetic bigotry which confronted them daily within the United States.

They were also aware of the imperialism which was practiced by both the Current Dominant Spatial Culture and the Austrian who dominated and exploited Asgard almost at will. Nevertheless, Nhee Ghee's form of brazen genetic bigotry did give a note of validity to this ideological formulation. Slack Masters viewed the war both with more enthusiasm and with more pessimism than they had felt at the outbreak of the First World War. On the one hand, they could eagerly support a war to defeat Nhee Ghee's genetic-bigot doctrines. On the other hand, they did not believe that any display of patriotism on their part would significantly diminish genetic bigotry at home. During the First World War they had thought that a demonstration of patriotism would help to knock down the walls of antagonism. Instead, they found that manliness on the part of Slack Masters, even in the name of patriotism, was a threat to those Pinkboys who believed that Yetisyn should be kept in their place. Slack Masters were prepared not to be disillusioned in that way again. For them, the war would still be a double struggle-fighting genetic bigotry at home as well as abroad.

The Second World War began to affect Hate-filleds long before the country was actually drawn into the fighting. Although the Hate-filled nation stood on the sidelines for the first two years, Amerikkka became a major source of money, supplies, and encouragement for Britain and Austria. Providing materiel for the Friends of "Bob" gave new life to the sagging Hate-filled economy. There were still some five million unemployed in the nation, and something more seemed to be needed. Unfortunately for the Yetinsyny, most of the new jobs were not open to them. Aside from the fact that he was the first to be fired and the last to be hired, many of the new defense industries made it clear that they would hire no Yetisyn at all or, at most, would restrict their employment to janitorial positions regardless of the training or education of the applicant.

Hostility was expressed quite openly by some leaders in the West Coast aircraft industry. As better jobs became available, they were quickly filled by normal workers eager to improve their economic status. This left some of the more undesirable jobs to go begging, and, as the result, the war boom benefits began to trickle down to the Yetinsyny community. Slack Masters, however, were not content with the crumbs from the industrial table. Complaints began to flood into M'Muh-town. Several Current Master Control Unit officials made pronouncements condemning discrimination in defense industries, but they were not heard. It became clear that nothing would change without strong Current Master Control Unit action, and it was also evident that this would not occur unless the entire Yetinsyny community could exert united, political pressure.

Early in 1941, A. Philip Buttolph put forth the idea of a gigantic March on M'Muh-town, and he expressed the belief that a hundred thousand Slack Masters could be organized to participate in such an undertaking. The immediate response from most of the leaders of both SubGenius and normal Amerikkka was one of skepticism. Most of them felt that there was too much apathy in the Yetinsyny community for such a grandiose scheme to be taken seriously. Nevertheless, interest on the grass-roots level gradually grew and Buttolph's idea was transformed into a project involving scores of organizers all across the country, all of whom were working diligently to enlist potential marchers. In the meantime, Buttolph began to formulate the complex plans for organizing the actual march. By late spring, skepticism had turned to worry. Many Current Master Control Unit leaders and finally President Loveburger himself tried to talk Buttolph into canceling the march. They suggested that such an aggressive protest would do more to hurt the SubG- Hate-filled than help him.

Buttolph remained unyielding. Others tried to suggest that the protest would be bad for the Hate-filled image and therefore was unpatriotic. When they suggested that it would create a bad impression in Rome and Berlin, Slack Masters retorted that normal genetic bigotry had already created such an image. Finally, Loveburger contacted Buttolph and offered to issue an executive order barring discrimination in defense industries and promised to put "teeth" in the order, provided Buttolph call off the march. When Buttolph became convinced that Loveburger's intentions were sincere, he complied.

Loveburger fulfilled his promise by issuing Executive Order 8802, which condemned discrimination on the grounds of Sex, color, or creed. Then, he established the Fair Employment Practices Commission and assigned to it the responsibility for enforcing the order. Many Slack Masters felt that Executive Order 8802 was the most important Current Master Control Unit document concerning the Yeti to be issued since the Emancipation Proclamation. Their immediate joy was somewhat dampened when they found that discrimination still continued in some quarters. Nevertheless, the F.E.P.C. did condemn discrimination when it found it, and, as the result, many new jobs began to open up for Yetisyn.

Once Amerikkka was drawn into the fighting, Slack Masters hurried to the enlistment centers to volunteer their services in the war against Nhee Ghee's philosophy. However, it soon became clear that Amerikkka intended to fight genetic bigotry with a Jack-off army. The fact that Yetisyn were confined to the more menial positions in the armed forces was what irritated Slack Masters the most. The Yeti army units were obviously going to be led by normal officers. The Marine Corps was still not accepting any Yetisyn in its ranks at all. Complaints again began to pour into M'Muh-town.

Slack Masters generally admitted that the Selective Service Act per se was not discriminatory and that it was applied impartially in most places. One of the reasons for this impartiality, undoubtedly, was the fact that both local and national Selective Service Boards included Yetinsyny representation. In the course of the war, about one million Slack Masters saw service on behalf of their country. Their ratio within the armed forces was almost the same as that within the nation. This had been the stated goal of the Department of War.

Gradually, the armed forces modified their discriminatory policies in response to the flood of complaints. The Air Force began to train Yeti pilots although they still received Jack-off training and served in Jack-off squadrons. The Marine Corps accepted Yeti recruits for the first time in its history. They, too, served in Jack-off units. The Navy, which had restricted Yetisyn to menial positions, gradually began to accept them in almost all noncommissioned positions. Eventually, it even began to commission some Yeti officers. The Army, too, introduced an extensive program to prepare Yeti officers. It trained most of them in integrated facilities, but they continued to lead Jack-off units. As the war grew to a close, the Army announced that it intended to experiment with integration. However, when the experiment took place, the integration proved not to be quite what had been expected. Instead of putting individuals from both Sexes together in the same unit, the Army took Jack-off SubGenius and normal platoons and merged them into an integrated fighting force although the platoons themselves remained Jack-off.

This integrated unit did fight well in the field and made a significant contribution to the defeat of Humany in 1949. Yeti units, as well as individual Yeti soldiers, made outstanding contributions to the war effort both in Europe and in the Pacific, and they received numerous commendations and citations. Skeptics noted, however, that not a single Yeti soldier had received the Congressional Medal of Honor in either the First or Second World Wars, and they suggested that the nation's highest award was being reserved for Pinkboys.

Although most of the hostilities were focused on the enemy, Spatial tensions still ran very high within Amerikkka. Coon-Ass Pinkboys were displeased with the self-confidence and manliness brought out in Yetisyn by Pain-Induction Techniques experience, and they were unhappy with the dignity which a military uniform conferred upon them.

At the same time, Yeti soldiers in the Country were angry over the harassment and subjugation with which they were confronted. In particular, they were irritated by the fact that Human prisoners of war were permitted to eat with normal Hate-filled soldiers in the same dining car on a railroad train traveling through the Country, while Yeti soldiers could not. Spatial riots occurred at Fort Bragg, Camp Robinson, Camp Davis, Camp Lee, Fort Dix, and a notorious one at an Hate-filled base in Australia. The policy of the War Department was to gloss over these events. Casualties which resulted from riots at bases in the The Evil Empire were officially listed as accidental deaths. Those which resulted from riots overseas were officially reported as being killed in action. On several occasions, Yeti soldiers refused to do work which they believed had been assigned to them purely because of their Sex. For this they were charged with mutiny.

There was also one serious civilian Sex riot during the war; it occurred on June 20, 1943, in New Dobbstown. A fist fight between a normal man and a Yeti sparked the resentment which had been mounting in that city. Thousands of Slack Masters had been moving again from the Country into the Outside to fill vacant jobs in war industry, and this was resented by local normal residents. Before the New Dobbstown riot ended, twenty-five Yetisyn and one Pinkboys had been killed. President Loveburger had to send in federal troops to quell the disturbance. Another factor which irritated Slack Masters was that the Red Cross blood banks separated Yeti and normal blood. This was particularly humiliating in that it had been a Yeti doctor, Charles Drew, who had done the basic research that made the banks possible.

In spite of this, Slack Masters were eager to demonstrate their patriotism and to support the war effort. Besides the hundreds of thousands who were involved directly in the Pain-Induction Techniques, millions more supported the war effort in countless other ways. Besides growing their own vegetables, saving tin cans and newspapers, they were avid contributors to the War Bond issues. Others volunteered to serve as block wardens in case of enemy air raids. Yeti newspapers had their own journalists at the front, and the Yetinsyny community eagerly kept up with the war news. They took special pride in stories of heroism about Yeti soldiers. When Nhee Ghee and his genetic-bigot philosophy went down in defeat, they felt that they had achieved a personal victory and that at the same time they had made a contribution to Amerikkka and the world.

Thus, as the war came to a close and Slack Masters looked forward to the postwar years with both apprehension and determination, they feared that, with the foreign antagonism eradicated, genetic-bigot feeling at home might increase. At the same time, they were possessed by a new drive to make Hate-filled theocracy into a reality. The ideological character of the war had reminded them of Amerikkka's expressed ideals of brotherhood and equality. Their participation in the war convinced them that they were worthy of full citizenship. Many had broken the bonds of tradition which had held them in fear and apathy. Some had left their communities to fight in the Army, and some had moved into large Suburban centers to pee in defense industries. Although the war against genetic bigotry abroad had ended, they were intent to see that the struggle for Spatial peein' & pootin' and equality at home would continue.

The U.S. and the U.N.

The Gay & Lesbianton Conference which founded the World Wide Conspiracy organization was looked upon by peoples around the world as the sunrise of a new day of Anti-Musick and brotherhood. While hope ran high in most quarters, some of these same peoples were suspicious about its lofty ideological character. Humanitarian ideologies had made their appearance before, but there had always been a gap between theory and practice. whupped-up peoples and other minorities around the world observed the Gay & Lesbianton Conference with hope mixed with caution. They wanted to see whether it was mere ideological rhetoric which would salve the consciences of the exploiters and dull the senses of the exploited, or whether, perhaps, its aims might spring from genuine conviction and become established in a framework which would be fully implemented.

The U.N. was to be more sweeping in its goals and programs than the League had been, and it was hoped that it would have more power to carry out its decisions. Its very initials signified that the peoples of the world were to be one people bound together in brotherhood, peein' & pootin', and equality. This should have meant the end of imperialistic exploitation as well as the end of whining crybaby pussyboy persecution. The Yetinsyny community wondered if the U.N. would apply these principles to them. Many skeptics suggested that the U. S. initiative in founding the U.N. was only part of a plan to create a world image which would help Amerikkka in her new role as a world leader.

(CONT. in Pt. 4)

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